Report the Effect of Daily Treatment with Uv Light of Turf Grass Greens Infected by Sclerotinioria Homoeocarpa and Microdochium Nivale Essay Example

Report: the Effect of Daily Treatment with Uv Light of Turf Grass Greens Infected by Sclerotinioria Homoeocarpa and Microdochium Nivale Essay The effect of daily treatment with UV light of turf grass greens infected by Sclerotinioria homoeocarpa and Microdochium nivale. Introduction In the Netherlands, golf is increasing in popularity and the present golf courses are occupying 7300 hectares in total (Zibb: Portal voor ondernemers. Tips, tools en het laatste nieuws). Turf grasses are plants that are made very susceptible to infection by fungi because of their prerequisites. Especially the greens have high demands: The grass should be kept very short and has to form a smooth surface with as little unevenness as possible. Every time the grass is mowed, the plants are mechanically wounded and are therefore more easily penetrated by fungi. Throughout the year, turf grasses are dealing with a lot of different fungi, which all have a different ideal combination of factors to infect the grass. Sclerotinioria homoeocarpa or Dollarspot and Microdochium nivale or Snow Mold are the most common fungi and cause severe infections of greens. Dollarspot occurs from early spring till late autumn over the whole world. Many species of turf grasses are susceptible to these fungi. We this fungus infects the grass, small, circular, straw coloured spots occur. These can reach a width of 15 cm (Couch, 3th edition). The fungus can be spread by human, animals, wind and water and gets active when dew occurs on the edge of the grass. Wet leaves also favourable for the fungus. (Smiley et al, 3th edition). Snow mold can occur in every month of the year and doesn’t exactly need a snow cover in order to be present. This fungus grows in cold and humid weather conditions. We will write a custom essay sample on Report: the Effect of Daily Treatment with Uv Light of Turf Grass Greens Infected by Sclerotinioria Homoeocarpa and Microdochium Nivale specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Report: the Effect of Daily Treatment with Uv Light of Turf Grass Greens Infected by Sclerotinioria Homoeocarpa and Microdochium Nivale specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Report: the Effect of Daily Treatment with Uv Light of Turf Grass Greens Infected by Sclerotinioria Homoeocarpa and Microdochium Nivale specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer In autumn and winter, when the grass doesn’t grow as fast or not at all, it is extremely susceptible to snow mold (Smiley et al, 3th edition). Many fungicides are used by golf keepers, but these are costly and often environmental damaging substances. Moreover, fungicides can only be used in restricted amounts in order to avoid that the fungi adapt genetically to and detoxify those chemicals. Making use of resistant cultivars is another approach but is not durable, because fungi can adapt themselves easily and their resistance is mostly broken within a few years. UV light can damage and kill many micro organisms (figure 1). From research done by Wageningen University, it was proven that UV-C light can reduce the germination of spores of Phytophthora infestans (Kessel and Forch, 2006). Analogous, this would be also suitable for Sclerotinioria homoeocarpa and Microdochium nivale. Figure 1. The effect of UV light on the DNA of living organisms. When the applied dose is high enough, the DNA helix is destroyed or gets damaged, so in the end, the DNA is dysfunctional. (American Air Water ®, Inc. UV Disinfection Systems). With field trails, we want to test if a daily applied dose of UV light will reduce the symptoms of Dollar spot and snow mold. Field trials The field trials that are described in this report were conducted in October 2007 on a green of a golf court in Geijsteren and in November 2007 in Andersteijn. The green keepers cooperated by applying the UV light daily on the test plots of the greens. The Greens-Cleaner was put behind a gator and a few minutes before the treatment the lamps were turned on in order to function properly. The dose of UV we applied was †¦.. determined by former experiments †¦ Field trial in Geijsteren (Dollarspot) Set up of the field trial The first trial was done on a green in Geijsteren, the Netherlands, where symptoms of Dollarspot could be clearly distinguished (figure 2). This trail was mainly conducted to determine the optimal duration of UV application: long enough to reduce the symptoms of the fungus, but not too long in order not to damage the gras s. Figure 2. Symptoms of Dollarspot on the green in Geijsteren. In this trail, 7 plots of equal size were marked. UV light was daily applied by the green keeper on 6 plots during two weeks. One plot was used as a control, so was not treated (figure 3). Every few days, pictures were taken to compare if reduction of the symptoms occurred. In the second week, the grass was not mowed anymore because of the start of the winter period, when the grass doesn’t grow for a while. Figure 3. Field trial in Geijsteren. In the green (circle), seven plots were marked. The applied dose of UV light was: 30 s, 45 s, 1 min, 2 min, 3 min and 4 min. One plot was used as a control(C). This plot was not treated. Results From the first field experiment, the ideal dose was determined to use an as low as possible dose UVC light as possible. Discussion This experiment was done to determine whether a daily treatment of 15 seconds of the green with the Greens-cleaner, reduces the symptoms of fungal diseases. One should take notice that these experiments, done in autumn, have a less clear effect then when the experiments would have been done in spring or summer. In these months, more sunlight is present and the length of the light period is longer than in autumn or winter. Therefore, grasses can’t grow as vigorously and can only recover very slowly from a pathogen attack. An important fact is that dew is amelioration the conditions for fungi to spread between plants by water. The ideal combination to prevent fungi from spreading though the green and to reduce the symptoms is to make use of a combined machine of a sweeper with the Greens-cleaner attached to it. It should be taken into account that the Greens-cleaner is an environmental friendly, durable manner to reduce the symptoms on greens, when applied daily, from the moment on when the first symptoms of a fungal disease are present. Field trial in Andersteijn (Snow mold) Set up of the field trial The purpose of this trial, done in Andersteijn, the Netherlands, was to find out if the Greens Cleaner, also effective on a green where Snow Mold is present (figure 4). Another thing that was considered was if a daily treatment of 15 seconds with UV light is sufficient to reduce the symptoms. ? Figure 4 Symptoms of Snow mold on the green in Andersteijn. In total, five plots were marked on the green and three indications were made to point the position of the tripod. During two weeks, the treatment with UV light was conducted between 13. 00 and 13. 30 h. Four plots were daily treated for 15 seconds with UV light with the Greens Cleaner and one plot was not treated and was the control (figure 5). Straight afterwards, a picture was taken from the same position every day (figure 6). Figure 5 Field trial in Andersteijn. In the green (circle), five plots were marked. Plots 1-4 were daily treated for 15 seconds with UV light. One plot was used as a control(C). This plot was not treated. Figure 6 Indication of the position of the tripod on the green in Andersteijn. Results In this field trial, differences were seen between the treated and non-treated plots, but it was not clear whether there was a true reduction of the symptoms on the treated plots, because of the season. Discussion Many fungi that are harmful to turf grasses occur on the surface of the plant. Treating infected greens with the Greens Cleaner is an environmental friendly and durable method to treat fungi like Dollarspot and Snow mold. When symptoms of fungi appear a daily treatment with the Greens Cleaner can be applied. It is not clear yet how many seconds the grass has to be treated because the duration of an effective treatment to destroy the fungus and its spores depend on the type of fungus. It is also important that when the Greens Cleaner is used in spring and summer, the reduction of the symptoms will be much clearer than in autumn and winter. The reason for this is the reduction of daylight and temperature from autumn on. The grass will therefore not be able to fulfil photosynthesis as effective and won’t grow and recover as fast as in spring or summer. This is also the reason why grass is not mowed from late fall onwards. Plants can recover only slowly after infection by pathogens, even if the mycelium of the fungus is destroyed by UV treatment. When dew is present, the conditions for the production and spread of spores of Dollarspot and Snow mold are very favourable, so a combination of the Greens Cleaner with a sweeper would be an appropriate manner to reduce the activity of fungi on turf grass. The Greens Cleaner destroys the mycelium and mostly spores of fungi and the sweeper can prevent the spread of the surviving spores via dew. Experiments will be done that are statistically correct to attribute the treatments randomly, which will give more detailed conclusions. This survey will be done in spring, so we can look how fast the turf grass recovers form the disease symptoms of fungi after UV treatment. Literature list 1American Air Water ®, Inc. UV Disinfection Systems. http://www. americanairandwater. com/uv-facts/germicidal-uv. tm Gevonden op 8-12-2007. 2Couch, H. B. Diseases of turfgrasses 3e editie. 3Kessel, G. J. T and Forch, M. G. Effect of UV-exposure on germination of sporangia of Phytophthora infestans. (2006) Plant Reseach International B. V. , Wageningen 4Smiley, R. W, Dernoeden, P. H, Clarke, B. B. Compendium of turfgrass diseases, 3e editie 5Zibb: Portal voor ondernemers. Tips, tools en het laatste nieuws. http://www. zibb. nl/web/Bedrijfsvoering/management/Nieuws/Management-nieuwsbericht/Aantal-golfbanen-explosief-gestegen. htm Gevonden op 8-12-2007

Battle of Wilsons Creek - Civil War - Missouri

Battle of Wilsons Creek - Civil War - Missouri Battle of Wilsons Creek - Conflict Date: The Battle of Wilsons Creek was fought August 10, 1861, during the American Civil War (1861-1865). Armies Commanders Union Brigadier General Nathaniel LyonColonel Franz Sigelapprox. 5,400 men Confederate Brigadier General Benjamin McCullochMajor General Sterling Priceapprox. 12,000 men Battle of Wilsons Creek - Background: As the secession crisis gripped the United States in the winter and spring of 1861, Missouri increasingly found itself caught between the two sides. With the attack on Fort Sumter in April, the state attempted to maintain a neutral stance. Despite this, each side began organizing a military presence in the state. That same month, Southern-leaning Governor Claiborne F. Jackson covertly sent a request to Confederate President Jefferson Davis for heavy artillery with which to attack the Union-held St. Louis Arsenal. This was granted and four guns and 500 rifles secretly arrived on May 9. Met at St. Louis by officials of the Missouri Volunteer Militia, these munitions were transported to the militias base at Camp Jackson outside the city. Learning of the artillerys arrival, Captain Nathaniel Lyon moved against Camp Jackson the next day with 6,000 Union soldiers. Compelling the militias surrender, Lyon marched those militiamen who would not take an oath of allegiance through the streets of St. Louis before paroling them. This action inflamed the local population and several days of rioting ensued. On May 11, the Missouri General Assembly formed the Missouri State Guard to defend the state and appointed Mexican-American War veteran Sterling Price as its major general. Though initially against secession, Price turned to the Southern cause after Lyons actions at Camp Jackson. Increasingly concerned that the state would join the Confederacy, Brigadier General William Harney, commander of the US Armys Department of the West, concluded the Price-Harney Truce on May 21. This stated that Federal forces would hold St. Louis while state troops would be responsible for maintaining peace elsewhere in Missouri. Battle of Wilsons Creek - Change of Command: Harneys actions quickly drew the ire of Missouris leading Unionists, including Representative Francis P. Blair, who saw it as a surrender to the Southern cause. Reports soon began reaching the city that Union supporters in countryside were being harassed by pro-Southern forces. Learning of the situation, an angry President Abraham Lincoln directed that Harney be removed and replaced with Lyon who was to be promoted to brigadier general. Following the change of command on May 30, the truce effectively ended. Though Lyon met with Jackson and Price on June 11, the latter two were unwilling to submit to Federal authority. In the wake of the meeting, Jackson and Price withdrew to Jefferson City to concentrate Missouri State Guard forces. Pursued by Lyon, they were compelled to cede the state capital and retreated into the southwestern part of the state. Battle of Wilsons Creek - Fighting Begins: On July 13, Lyons 6,000-man Army of the West encamped near Springfield. Consisting of four brigades, it was comprised of troops from Missouri, Kansas, and Iowa as well as contained contingents of US Regular infantry, cavalry, and artillery. Seventy-five miles to the southwest, Prices State Guard soon grew as it was reinforced by Confederate forces led by Brigadier General Benjamin McCulloch and Brigadier General N. Bart Pearces Arkansas militia. This combined force numbered around 12,000 and overall command fell to McCulloch. Moving north, the Confederates sought to attack Lyons position at Springfield. This plan soon unraveled as the Union army departed the town on August 1. Advancing, Lyon, took the offensive with the goal of surprising the enemy. An initial skirmish at Dug Springs the next day saw Union forces victorious, but Lyon learned that he was badly outnumbered. Battle of Wilsons Creek - The Union Plan: Assessing the situation, Lyon made plans to fall back to Rolla, but first decided to mount a spoiling attack on McCulloch, who was encamped at Wilsons Creek, to delay the Confederate pursuit. In planning the strike, one of Lyons brigade commanders, Colonel Franz Sigel, proposed an audacious pincer movement which called for splitting the already smaller Union force. Agreeing, Lyon directed Sigel to take 1,200 men and swing to the east to strike McCullochs rear while Lyon attacked from the north. Departing Springfield on the night of August 9, he sought to commence the assault at first light. Battle of Wilsons Creek - Early Success: Reaching Wilsons Creek on schedule, Lyons men deployed before dawn. Advancing with the sun, his troops took McCullochs cavalry by surprise and drove them from their camps along a ridge which became known as Bloody Hill. Pushing on, the Union advance was soon checked by Pulaskis Arkansas Battery. Intense fire from these guns gave Prices Missourians time to rally and form lines to the south of the hill. Consolidating his position on Bloody Hill, Lyon attempted to restart the advance but with little success. As fighting intensified, each side mounted attacks but failed to gain ground. Like Lyon, Sigels initial efforts achieved their goal. Scattering Confederate cavalry at Sharps Farm with artillery, his brigade pushed forward to Skeggs Branch before halting at the stream (Map). Battle of Wilsons Creek - The Tide Turns: Having halted, Sigel failed to post skirmishers on his left flank. Recovering from the shock of the Union attack, McCulloch began directing forces against Sigels position. Striking the Union left, he drove the enemy back. Losing four guns, Sigels line soon collapsed and his men began retreating from the field. To the north, a bloody stalemate continued between Lyon and Price. As the fighting raged, Lyon was wounded twice and had his horse killed. Around 9:30 AM, Lyon fell dead when he was shot in the heart while leading a charge forward. With his death and the wounding of Brigadier General Thomas Sweeny, command fell to Major Samuel D. Sturgis. At 11:00 AM, having repulsed a third major enemy assault and with ammunition dwindling, Sturgis ordered Union forces to withdraw towards Springfield. Battle of Wilsons Creek - Aftermath: In the fighting at Wilsons Creek, Union forces suffered 258 killed, 873 wounded, and 186 missing while the Confederates incurred 277 killed, 945 wounded, and around 10 missing. In the wake of the battle, McCulloch elected not to pursue the retreating enemy as he was concerned about the length of his supply lines and the quality of Prices troops. Instead, he withdrew back into Arkansas while Price embarked on a campaign in northern Missouri. The first major battle in the West, Wilsons Creek was likened to Brigadier General Irvin McDowells defeat the previous month at the First Battle of Bull Run. During the fall, Union troops effectively drove Price from Missouri. Pursuing him into northern Arkansas, Union forces won a key victory at the Battle of Pea Ridge in March 1862 which effectively secured Missouri for the North. Selected Sources Civil War Trust: Battle of Wilsons CreekNPS: Wilsons Creek National Battlefield CWSAC Battle Summaries: Wilsons Creek

Spanish Idioms Using Haber

Spanish Idioms Using Haber Like many other common verbs, haber is used to form a variety of idioms. As phrases whose meanings dont depend on the literal meanings of the individual words, idioms can be somewhat challenging to learn. But they are a necessary part of language, and some of them using haber express everyday concepts and are used often. Following are the most common idioms using haber. For other usages of haber, see lessons on its use as an auxiliary verb and as a translation for there is or there are. Also note that the conjugation of haber is highly irregular. haber (in the third-person singular) que infinitive - to be necessary to, to be essential to - Hay que comer. It is necessary to eat. Habr que salir a las tres. It will be necessary to leave at 3. haber de infinitive - to be to, to be supposed to - Hemos de salir a las tres. We are to leave at 3. He de viajar a Nueva York. I am supposed to go to New York. haber de infinitive - must (in the sense of showing high probability) - Ha de ser inteligente. He must be intelligent. Habà ­a de ser las nueve de la noche. It must have been 9 p.m. habà ­a una vez (or, less frequently, hubo una vez) - Once upon a time ... - Habà ­a una vez un granjero que tenà ­a una granja muy grande. Once upon a time there was a farmer with a very large farm. no haber tal - to be no such thing - No hay tal cosa como un almuerzo gratis. Theres no such thing as a free lunch.  ¡Quà © hubo!,  ¡Quihà ºbole! (regional variation) - Hi! Whats happening? No hay de quà ©. - Dont mention it. Its n ot important. No big deal. habà ©rselas con - to have it out with, to quarrel with - Me las habà ­a con mi madre. I had it out with my mother.  ¿Cunto hay de ... ? - How far is it from ... ? -  ¿Cunto hay de aquà ­ al parque nacional? How far is it from here to the national park?  ¿Quà © hay?  ¿Quà © hay de nuevo? - Whats happening? Whats new? he aquà ­ - here is, here are. - He aquà ­ una lista de nombres. Here is a list of names. Heme aquà ­. - Here I am. He lo aquà ­. He lo allà ­. He los aquà ­. He los allà ­. - Here it is. There it is. Here they are. There they are.  ¡He dicho! - And thats that! Keep in mind also that many expressions use hay. Although the meaning of many of them can be deduced from the words, they arent necessarily translated literally. For example, hay sol (literally, there is sun) is often used for it is sunny, and  ¡eres de lo que no hay! (literally, you are of that which there are none) can be used for youre unbelievable! or something like that.

THE GENERAL ELECTRIC AND THE HEWLETT PACKARD (HP) Essay

THE GENERAL ELECTRIC AND THE HEWLETT PACKARD (HP) - Essay Example The competitive advantage refers to an advantage gained over competitors either by providing greater value to consumers, by lowering the prices, or by offering more benefits and service which justifies the higher price. Corporate strategies are the central point of achieving the competitive advantage by making assumptions on an organization’s external environment and its resources, and by creating policies on how the organization should operate. General Electric and Hewlett Packard are the two most influential companies in the technology market. A comparative study of the strategies used by GE and HP reveals that both have formulated analogous strategies in the various aspects of their business operation. ----------------- Introduction The Hewlett-Packard Company, commonly known as the HP, is a well established and very large global firm founded in 1939 by Bill Hewlett and Dave Packard and headquartered in California, United States. Their products focus mainly on technology li ke computer, printing, digital imaging, and also software services. General Electric (GE) is the producer of diversified technology, media, and services, and was incorporated in 1892. It offers products and services ranging from aircrafts engines, power generation, technology in medical imaging, business and consumer financing, and many more over 100 countries. The GE has a long history of success in their technological trade and their achievements prove the value of their view, â€Å"why predict the future when you can create it?† (Our history). The Economical Environment The economical environment of the business consists of four elements, they are Political, Economic, Social, and technological. The economic environment today is moving through vibrant and unstable phases due to globalization and increasingly competitive markets. However, the Hewlett Packard Company takes advantage of exploiting new markets all around the world, engaging with other multinational corporations . A big advantage to the company is their product diversity which helps them to survive the recession. At the same time, the GE is faced with many social issues regarding environmental pollutions. It has become a topic for controversies with regards to the immense ownership and control over the media sources. The company has been alleged for spending millions of dollars on commercial ads and television program sponsorships to ensure its environmental friendly image. The General Electric Company performs its functions in micro and macro environment. The micro-environment consists with customers, suppliers, and other stakeholders of the business. The GE treats its customers as an integral part of the company in the successful running of the business. The GE has taken higher efforts to integrate the company’s view with the customers’ view rather than considering them as mere investors. As customer service has been considered as the vital part of the performance, it mainta ins three crucial components regarding the quality offered to customers; the employees, the process, and the customers themselves. On the other hand, the organizational culture of HP is built up progressively over a time, which helps the employees to define how they feel about their job. The HP has succeeded in creating a positive influence of the culture on their employees. A positive culture helps to stimulate commitment towards the job and to achieve the proposed goals. Decision Making The General Electric Company employs some basic strategies in their decision making. One among them is to invest and tap the internal market within the reach of the company. This strategy seems to have utilized the principle that ‘a business must be employee-oriented if it wishes to be customer-oriented’

Driving to Colma Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Driving to Colma - Assignment Example On the same point, when the father was seek it is recommended for him to call his friends to see how is feeling concerning the sickness. This is depicted when he calls Jim a friend. On top of that, the invited Japanese come with food. The narrator and the father have a strong relationship when it comes to driving. The father is always dictating the narrator on how to drive and show her directions like a little child. It pisses of the narrator making her to hate the instructions she receives from the father. On top of that the father is very concerning with the welfare of the daughter and he always likes to be driven by the narrator. The two are close friend and a father and daughter respectively. They narrator has the bond of love to her father just like the father to daughter relationship. The narrator loves the car of her father and she always loves driving her to important places like hospital. With the partying gift, the father loves his daughter till he buys her (the narrator) a present. The narrator always loves a quiet life and she does not need anyone to dictate her. She always never liked her father to dictate her and show her directions that are unnecessary. She also loves her father by the fact that she massages her using fists. Each and every time the father gets sick, she always gets worried. All this is proved from the drive where the narrator loves to hold the keys and take her father to a drive. On the other side, the father cares the life of his daughter. She takes her daughter oversees to study and always wants her to be close to him. By allowing her to be driving him, it is a sign of a father daughter love.

Effect of Social Policy on Personal Life

Effect of Social Policy on Personal Life ‘Discuss the claims that social policy constructs personal lives   In evaluating the evidence that social policy constructs personal lives, it is necessary to explain the terms ‘social policy’ and the ‘personal’ as they are both imbued with ambiguity and complexity. For example, the meanings inherent in social policy can be understood two-fold as both sets of government policies which have specific aims or intended outcomes as well as the academic study of such policies in relation to their causes and consequences. Thus the ‘policy’ and the ‘social’ can be separated to determine greater understanding when discussing the interaction between personal lives and social policy. The complexity of the ‘personal’ lies in that it is not simply the intimate aspects of someone’s life but that it is a multi-layered reflection of wider influences, such as sexuality, age, emotions, friends, family, social networks and societal expectations. Thus while it will be argued that social policy cons tructs personal lives, evidence will be produced to illustrate that it is not a one-way top-down process, but a multi-directional interplay of interactions between the two as they collide at different times and locations at the three levels of mutual constitution; the individual/psychic level; the service user level; the national level. As a result, by means of resistance, challenge or negotiation, the ‘personal’ both, individually or collectively not only impacts upon, but also has consequences for, social policy in ways that partially shapes or constructs the other thus forming new or different policies. This complex process of mutual constitution, will be expanded upon in context to reveal this relationship at the individual and psychic level, the service-user level whereby it effects the ‘personal’ of welfare professionals, and the national level. The primary focus of this discussion relates children and young people and their issues in the context of ‘sexuality’ and ‘care’ although this will inevitably overlap with ‘work’ and ‘citizenship’ as multiple sets of relationships and sites of policy intervention are revealed such as the family, health and social care. Further to this, I will apply evidence from my own qualitative research which was compiled from two interviews with an adult care-giver (Brennan, 2008b) and a young care-recipient in a children’s residential home (Brennan, 2008c). The focus on children and young people will also be further analysed through the lens of poststructuralism and feminism although again, there will be overlapping elements of Marxism and psychoanalysis imbedded within the discussion. These perspectives when viewed through their various theoretical lenses help to provide a more multi-dimensional view of how social policy is experienced in its mutual constitution with more diverse subject-positions occupied by ‘personal’ lives. In taking on a more subjective view it reveals how and in what ways social policy is inclusive to some and exclusionary to others triggering challenges, negotiations and resistance. The conclusion will indicate that while there is evidence that social policy constructs personal lives, the challenges, negotiations and resistance or what Lewis and Fink conceptualise as ‘excess’, ensures that the ‘personal’ both collectively and individually also constructs social policy thus ensuring that the dynamic processes of society are constantly evolving and producing what one hopes will be positive and equal social change (Lewis and Fink, 2004, ‘Course Companion’, p.22). When conceptualising care from a poststructural perspective, its meanings become fluid and unstable as continuity and change informs the mutual constitution of care policies and the ‘personal’ of both caregivers and receivers. As Fink (2004) argues, the normative assumptions about care practises, identities and locations are challenged because care is dependent upon the discursive properties inherent at the various levels of care both as a provision and as a recipient (Fink, 2004, ‘Care’, p.3). Care is relational and reciprocal and often perceived as an unspoken, unwritten taken-for-granted aspect of the everyday on many levels. In reality however, the giving and receiving of ‘care’ can be a burden to some, a source of discomfort for others, and a site of oppression for many. This is because levels of care vary in different situations and for different actors as the overlapping dualisms of male/ female, adult/child, private/ public, paid/ unpaid , deserving /undeserving inform political agendas that shape ‘care’ policies. Such dualisms are explained by Foucault’s (1970) poststructural analysis in how language is utilised to define the differences between the dominant norms and those which stand outside the accepted criteria (Fink et al. 2004, Course Companion, p.62). In other words, something is defined by what it is not – for example, it is light simply because it is not dark. Similarly this is exacerbated and utilised discursively in relation to class, ‘race’, gender, age and disability. Thus a suitable place to commence a discussion about the mutual constitution of policies surrounding care and its interaction with the ‘personal’ of children and young people lies within the home – the family. Poststructuralism reveals how the normative assumptions surrounding the caring identity is gendered and subsequently ‘naturalised’ into a traditional female role. Thus the dominant identity of carer of children within the family is generally the mother – an unpaid, taken-for-granted given role based upon the essentialist model of the biological attributes and ability to give birth. As Foucault (1979) argues the subject-position of mother is not rooted in biology, but discursively rooted in culture and history. Similarly, a feminist analysis argues that the so-called ‘natural’, ‘caring disposition’ of women is a myth stemming from the post-war Beveridgean welfare state which claimed to privilege married woman by enabling them to stay at home full-time and raise the children while caring for their husbands. If they do not fit with the these norms then they are deemed as bad mothers as expressed by one of my interviewee’s in my own research when he declared that in four months; â€Å"I have only seen my mum once since I moved in here, and then she just dropped in last February, it was not an arranged visit or anything† (Brennan, 2008c). Here, the mother is negatively perceived, thus it is with certain irony that despite no mention of his father, the status of men remains greater than that of women. For example the construction of the homemaker/carer/ within the nuclear family norms was enabled based upon their husband’s contributions to the state. However, feminists argue this served only to restrain and subordinate women further by extending their dependency. The home became the site of oppression and struggle which the second and third wave feminists have sought to ameliorate as subordinate female positions shifted ‘paid’ work to one that is ‘unpaid’ ‘work’ within the construction of the nuclear family. However, when those dominant nuclear family norms and values are destabilised, the assumption is that it is anything but ‘normal’ and considered a threat to the welfare of children and young people. This demonstrates how the ‘personal’ in its c ollective form as inherent in all New Social Movements of ‘race’ and disability among others, produces social change as it impacts on social policy in the implementation of excess against these norms and values. Demonstrating the psychic element of the ‘personal’, a poststructural analysis argues that such normative assumptions of childcare are internalised which is evident when Carabine (2004) draws on the personal narrative of Max, for whom, a heterosexual marriage stood outside of his comfort zone. However, social policy dictated his public heterosexuality based upon learned expectations which relates to what Lewis Fink (2004) argue are processes of non-identification, are commonplace within both racialized and sexualised discourses, as they subsequently trigger the expansion of the ‘personal’ to wider social relations in a bid to find a collective socio-cultural identity and meaning outside of the psyche. Closely related to postructuralism, a psychoanalytic lens reveals that being physically in but not of the imagined community negatively affects the ‘personal’ in lacking any sense of belonging (Carabine, 2004, ‘Sexuality’, p.5). Meanings produce assumptions which, in identifying Max as a homosexual ensured he exercised what Lewis conceptualised as passing, as deviating from the heterosexual ‘norm’ is problematized indicating the inequalities of citizenship and social power derived from the ‘hierarchical ordering of difference’ (Lewis, 2004, ‘Citizenship’, p.20). This demonstrates how social policy produces normative assumptions that identified the signifying practices that placed Max outside of the hegemony of heteronormative nuclear family. Marriage is an expected trajectory in life’s path, which he obligated through denial of his own private emotions and self-identification. While, his dream of becoming a fathe r was realised, the marriage ended upon meeting a man and embracing his homosexuality. This dispels two myths, as Max resistance to the dominant norms ensured that heonly became full-time carer to his children but also his wife had not taken to motherhood so enthusiastically and therefore became the part-time mother with fortnightly access (Rice, 2002:p.27, in Carabine, 2004, p.5). Max states that even in 2002 it remains unusual for men to be the primary care-giver. Carabine (2004) argues that the notion of sexuality maintains the heteronormative assumptions that heterosexual intercourse occurs in the private sphere, within the legally binding contract of marriage. Children born out of wedlock or the victims of divorce are therefore excluded from certain social policies such as decent housing and education or simply enough money to lead a life similar to their peers which negatively impacts on their ‘personal’. Despite this, marriage is historically and socially specific and therefore continues to discursively subordinate the personal lives of women and children in the private sphere in the policies made by men, for men, in the male dominated public sphere. One such policy ‘Every Child Matters’(2003) focuses on a different element of private and informal methods of care within the home and unpaid, which are an ongoing concern for many British families. While the policy pledges to reward informal carers as being an asset to society, parents of disabled children are, it claims, not using local authority direct payments. However, the policy then states that many local authorities are reluctant to administer direct payments. The ambiguity of direct payments is evident when used by the middle classes who already possess the cultural capital to secure the best care and the ability to cover any financial shortfall. In contrast, the working class, direct payments would be frugal to prevent over-expenditure, thereby potentially excluding their child from all the care available. This again indicates a poststructural perspective as it demonstrates how knowledge is in fact power. When coupled with issues of guilt about hiring a strange r to care for their disabled child, psychoanalytic issues re-emerge in this mutual constitution at the individual level and at the service-user level because for the carer, inflicting pain on a child in need of treatment triggers a defence mechanism that blocks awareness of their pain, which, Mawson argues, prevents job satisfaction. As such, as well as infantalizing clients, many caring practises deny dignity, privacy, and autonomy to the client, affecting their ‘personal’, as care becomes a public issue(1994, p.68, in Fink, 2004, ‘Care’, p.22).. Similarly, the feminization of care is embedded in discourses of sexuality as male carers doing ‘women’s work’ are assumed to be gay; therefore they are considered to possess ulterior motives – a gender differential that affects the ‘personal’ of men with potentially serious consequences. This no doubt was an issue that underpinned my first interviewee’s lack of success in his attempts to work with social care; â€Å"It was something that always interested me I suppose, while I was working I decided to do some volunteer work and liked it, so decided that I would like to continue in the care area (Brennan, 2008b). â€Å"I went for an interview and thought I did well, () to be honest I was very pleased with myself and thought I had a good chance of getting the job, unfortunately (laugh) that was not the case, they phoned me to say that I was unsuccessful but they did offer me relief work instead which I took, from there I got my foot inside the door of Social Care† (ibid). Indeed it has recently been mediated that there is a stark absence of male teachers within the primary education sector, but with assumptions such as these ensuring that the negative thinking surrounding the mutual constitution of male teachers and current policies then it is not surprising. However, it is apparent that social policies on for example discipline, falls to the male teacher who is often isolated by gender due to the vast majority being female. To be the sole person administering punishments to naughty boys has a negative impact on the ‘personal’ of both the male teacher and the one being punished in this unofficial mutual constitution (new.bbc.co.uk). However, the feminization of care is turned on its head when adults needing care are the focus as young people and children are conveniently situated to take on the caring role – free of charge (Fink et al., 2004).The policy highlights their plight and insists local authorities must assist, but in reality they are merely enable without any form of advertisement to ensure awareness of the provision, therefore little assistance is forthcoming as local authorities are keen to maintain low budgets which they depend on young carers to ensure. Furthermore, the likelihood of benefit dependency maintains material inequalities that further exclude young carers from the lifestyles of their peers. Their caring duties also impinge on education and leisure – deemed by the Green Paper as essential for their future in terms of growth, socialization, mental health and their future. However, veiled threats for parents of truants and offenders are revealed if they fail to accomplish this end as the mutual constitution of social policies and the personal of young carers renders them at risk and vulnerable to attack, by definition which serves to facilitate the intervention of Social Services, the irony of who, although not universal – are mostly women. The issuing of compulsory parenting orders that claim to halve re-offending, can also remove children from the family home – thus echoing the past. Indeed my own qualitative research indicates how this works in practise and demonstrates how lived experiences of personal lives is impacted upon by social policy as they become mutually constituted. For example, the sixteen–year-old resident of a care home was clearly unhappy with the way policies were implemented stating his distaste of social work intervention and his disappointment of his mother when stating; â€Å"Yeah well the Social Worker found where I was staying and refused to allow me to stay there.. My mother agreed to a voluntary Care Order because they [social workers]are interfering so and sos who think they know what is good for me† (emphasis added)(Brennan, 2008c). However, upon critical analysis of my research methods I also realise that my role as a residential care worker shaped the outcome in negative ways firstly by declaring that employed subject-position and then by offering advice: â€Å"All I can say is that you should take what ever is out there in the way of help and make it work for you† (Brennan, 2008c). Also in response to my question on the adequacy of care he stated; â€Å"What care? Staff dont f..g care† (Brennan, 2008c). I replied with: â€Å" Now W I am sure that is not true, perhaps you feel that staff dont care maybe because it is not the type of care that you are looking for† (Brennan, 2008c). While this demonstrates the need for reflexivity in terms of ensuring an objective approach is implemented by the researcher putting their own feelings to one side, it is illustrative of the difficulties of conducting qualitative research through semi-structured interviews to produce an empirical and valid contribution about the social world. Even classic sociologists such as Durkheim (1964), who once claimed that an experiment produced social ‘fact’ if the experiment when repeated twice produced the same outcome, was later reflexive about this upon the realisation that no research whether quantitative or qualitative can ever be value-free (in Churchill, 2004, RAAB; Part 3, 2004, p.55). Similarly, in my semi-structured interviews with a residential care manager his responses indicated that he was responding only in ways that did not reflect negatively on himself. This indicates that despite the best efforts of the researcher, the interviewee will only impart with what he he/she wants you to know, and not necessarily what the researcher should or wants to know. Despite this, measures are taken to prevent subjective shaping of the researcher such as in Goldson’s research – although again, it can never be deemed as value-free despite his lengthy experience. Nevertheless, Goldson (2004) argues these mixed messages by the social workers and by the spoken word of children in care reveals that childhood is socially constructed towards legitimizing the control of children. Again, this is discursively produced as two centuries ago, children were treated as adults until philanthropists’ and reformists’ reconstructed the childhood discourse through interventionist methods that removed children from the streets and ‘dysfunctional’ families. They were then institutionalized, until reforms by the self-proclaimed ‘public mother’ Mary Carpenter, orchestrated the emergence of ‘institutional schools’ (2004, ‘Care’ p.88). Prior to this there was little distinction between ‘deprived’ victims in need of care, and ‘depraved’ threats in need of control, as they were placed together often within adult prisons (Carpenter, 1853, in Goldson, 2004:p.88). Similarly, the G reen Paper targets families deemed unable to care adequately for children revealing how the earliest reformers constructed the idealized image of the family as a self-regulating entity. As Goldson argues, children today are constructed via inter-generational differentiation from adults, but are then further differentiated on an intra-generational level in terms of social divisions (2004: ‘Care’, p.81). The pluralism of British society problematizes any generalization of children in ways that the Green Paper states – instead they are categorised according to class, gender, and ‘race’. Goldson places the care and control theory in the context of Victoria Climbà © who was represented as a deprived victim who was in need of care (2004, ‘Care’, p.83). However, the language employed surrounding children shifts as textual connotations mediated in another headline constitutes children as depraved ‘thugs’ in need of control (ibid). This shapes public opinion, constructs negative identities and stereotypes that legitimize the dichotomy of deserving/undeserving and subsequent punishment. Thus, as Cohen argues, the ove rlapping parameters of care and control are inseparable (Cohen, 1985, p.2, in Goldson, 2004, ‘Care’, p.85). Continuing the poststructuralist view of Goldson’s research argues that the institutional fix is equal for both for victims and threats in contemporary Britain (2004, ‘Care’, p.87). He focuses on the gender differentials as a disproportionate number of boys are incarcerated within youth offender’s institutions towards protecting the community, whereas girls tend to go into secure accommodation towards protecting themselves, which is evident in the extracts reference the provision of childcare for teenage parents returning to education implicating that in their premature maturity resulting from caring for parents is evidence of embarking prematurely on sexual relationships (ibid). This again is discursively constructed as historically girls were locked up for sexual misconduct, revealing the heteronormative continuity and protectionist discourses. This is closely examined in Thomson’s (2004) research on sex education within schools which takes a feminist view that girls are responsible for avoiding pregnancy as well as ensuring the sexual health of both herself and her partner (Thomson, 2004, ‘Sexuality’, p.103). The study revealed that the power imbalance between the genders discouraged the female’s insistence on using condoms for two reasons – not wanting to gain a bad reputation; and admitting that the transition to sexual activity was taking place (ibid.). Thus risks were taken all too often. Goldson’s study of secure accommodation reveals contradictory personal narratives of both those being cared for, and their adult carers. One girl admitted she would not be alive now if she had not be taken into care, while another declared she could look after herself thus they had no right to lock her up as she had coped alone for years. While this demonstrates Higgins’ (1988) claim that while the personal is unique, it is also mirrored and experienced by others, thus not an individualistic phenomenon (Higgins,1998, pp.3-4 in Lewis Fink, 2004,p.22). Nevertheless, both accounts were mirrored by their respective care workers (Goldson, 2004, ‘Care’. pp.99-101). Here, control is paramount to care. A Marxist analysis of teen pregnancy would argue that lone mothers are both the consumers and producers of welfare in their provision of the future child-bearers and workforce of Britain. However, the restrictions imposed on young women today is discursively imbedded in the past as the Poor Laws of 1838 dictated in its claims that illegitimacy was indisputably the fault of the young female because â€Å"continued illicit intercourse has, in almost all cases, originated with the mother† (Extract 1.16, The New Poor Law View, 1938, in Carabine, ‘Sexuality’, 2004, p.39). For example, qualitative research data on teenage conceptions linked poverty to teenage pregnancy (Thomson, 2004, p99). However, there was no consideration of what Bourdieu (1977) termed the ‘logic of practice’ for these teenagers, as the choices they make, which make sense to them, were influenced by local cultural and social class values which may see parenthood as a sign of maturity and in many ways the only route to adulthood (cited in Thomson, 2004, p96). While the ‘logic of practise’ is a convincing argument, it fails to mention how the rate of abortion for middle class girls far exceeds that of working class girls. Nevertheless, these values provided teenagers with the resources to resist, or apply ‘excess’ to the powerful effects of normalising social policy and their subject position within it (Lewis Fink, 2004, p23). Thus, these teenagers are active agents rather than passive recipients of policy discourse, and do not recognise this d iscourse that views teenage pregnancy as problematic, as being applicable to them (Carabine, 2004, p33). In contrast to the control of girls, care for boys is constructed in ways that control as Goldson’s research into young offender’s institutions embraced a different discourse – fear. Rape, beatings, extortion, and suicide were prevalent according to all the boys. This represents what Higgins’ (1988) claims that collective understanding is viewed both socially and historically which were evident in the interpellation that provided understanding of their sense of self. However, the narratives of the prison officers revealed a language shift in that child abuse claims was redefined as bullying. The mutual constitution of new social policies and the personal lives of these boys were negatively impacted, exacerbated by the resistance of staff to implement the new policy that all new inmates require proper care and counselling upon arrival. That it was never met, shows how the mutual constitution at the service-user level can become complex and dangerous as the staff’s ability to detach themselves from the caring role protected their own ‘personal’ by activating their defence mechanisms before crossing the public/private boundary to freedom at the end of the working day(ibid. pp.101-5). However, as Goldson (2004) argues, a Marxist element is more than present in the discourse of ‘care’ relating to children as all prisons in the last decade have been built by private corporations. Similarly the adult interviewee in my research stated that: â€Å"In the last year the number of Residential Homes have doubled, mmm new homes are opening every week, so therefore it will take longer to get around to inspecting all of the homes† (Brennan, 2008b). This could explain the need for Goldson to bring to our attention the U-Turn regarding Tony Blair’s pledge in 1999 to â€Å"eradicate child poverty†, which shifter two years later to how we must â€Å"catch, convict, punish and rehabilitate young offenders† (Blair, 1999/2000, quoted in Goldson, 2002d: p.687). This being a complete U-turn also on the Children’s Act 1989 which claims that every child has the right to a happy and loving childhood within the care of their families. In conclusion, it is evident that the mutual constitution of social policy and personal lives concerning sexuality and care is experienced in vastly differing ways when applying it to children and young people. This is made more apparent through the use of theoretical perspective as it provides multi-dimensional perspectives of how policies are experienced according to various levels of diversity showing therefore how this impacts upon status and citizenship. While all these critical approaches have been applied to a variety of care and sexuality discourses, they can only produce a snapshot of the social world, however, the value of research in collective forms help us to understand in part, the epistemological and substantive nature of how social policies are constantly challenged by personal lives at the psychic, individual and collective levels including by welfare professionals at the service-user level. Social policy, within the content of this essay seeks solely to enforce soci al control and economic gain by defining and redefining the shifting boundaries of power in its mutual constitution with personal lives. However, the claim that social policy constructs social lives is not as substantive as the very fact they are constantly evolving is due to the continuing challenge, negotiation, resistance and excess employed by personal lives – no matter how miniscule. Reference List Bourdieu, P. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practise, Cambridge University Press. Brennan, A. (2008b) Unpublished TMA05 submitted in partial completion of DD305 Personal Lives and Social Policy, The Open University Brennan, A. (2008c) Unpublished TMA05 submitted in partial completion of DD305 Personal Lives and Social Policy, The Open University Carabine, J. (Ed) Sexualities: Personal Lives and Social Policy Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Carabine, J. (2004) ‘Sexualities, Personal Lives and Social Policy’, in Carabine, J. (Ed) Sexualities: Personal Lives and Social Policy Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Carabine, J. Newman, J. (Ed’s) (2004) Course Companion: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Churchill, H., Fink, J. and Harris, F. (2004) Research Analysis and Assessment Booklet. Part 3 DD305 Personal Lives and Social Policy, Copyright  © 2004 The Open University Cohen, S. (1985) Visions of Social Control, Cambridge, Polity Press. Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Fink, J. (2004) ‘Care: Meanings, Identities and Morality’, in Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Fink, J. (2004) ‘Questions of Care’, in Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Goldson, B. (2002d) ‘New Labour, social justice and children: political calculation and the deserving-undeserving schism’, British Journal of Social Work, vol.32, no.6, pp.683-95 Goldson, B. (2004) ‘Victims or threats? Children, Care and Control’, in Fink, J. (Ed) (2004) Care: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Government Green Paper (2003) Every Child Matters, The Stationary Office, 2003, Cmnd 5860. Higgins, P.C. (1988) ‘Introduction’, in Higgins, P.C. Johnson, J.M. (Eds) Personal Sociology, New York, Praeger. Lewis, G. (2004) (Ed) Citizenship: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Lewis, G. (2004) Do Not Go Gently†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢: Terrains of Citizenship and Landscapes of the Personal. In Lewis, G. (Ed) Citizenship: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Lewis, G., Fink, J. (2004) Themes, Terms and Concepts. In Fink, J., Lewis, G., Carabine, J., Newman, J. (Ed’s) Course Companion: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Lewis, G., Newman, J., Carabine, J., Fink, J. (2004) Theoretical Perspectives. In Fink, J., Lewis, G., Carabine, J., Newman, J. (Ed’s) Course Companion: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Thomson, R. (2004) ‘Sexuality and Young People: Policies, Practices and Identities. In Carabine, J. (Ed) Sexualities: Personal Lives and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, in association with The Open University Other Sources: The Open University (2004) CD-ROM 1: ‘The Children’s Act 1989’, DD305 Personal Narratives and Resources [CD-ROM], Milton Keynes, The Open University. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/4336092.stm 4,707 words with 700 extra words to assist the client with greater understanding of the wider aspect of mutual constitution.

Child Labor in India Essay

As a group we choose the topic of Child labor in India, and I am responsible to cover the Sexual exploitation of children’s in this country. My colleagues Olivier Turcotte and Frederic Lamoureux are going to cover others part of the child labor such as the industry labor and why those kids have to work instead of going at school. The objective of our project is to aware people of this reality of the world that medias don’t talk too much about and is kind of taboo. The child labor is something that not much of people are aware or concern about it because they don’t see it , but if we think about it, maybe the t-shirt, the shoes, or even what we eat have been pack by a kid from another country that is only 8 years old and work 30 hours or more per week. In relation with our topic, I will focus on the Sex labor that children are involved and abuse. This illegal activity that has reached a critical level in South Asia, is something that people are not really consciou s about and this is why we need to aware our generation to be less selfish and think about all those that don’t have the same luck to have a happy childhood. Well , about the kiosk, we start having some ideas about the material we will use , like posters and things like that but also we will try to reach association that protect or fight against the companies that abuse of children’s. References Carson, D. K., Foster, J. M., & Tripathi, N. (2013). Child sexual abuse in India: Current issues and research. Psychological Studies, 58(3), 318-325. This article discusses the nature and incidence of the sexual abuse of minors in India and presents an overview of research findings to date. Bandyopadhyay, R. (2012). Child-Sex Tourism, HIV/AIDS, and Social Justice in India. Peace Review, 24(2), 143-146. doi:10.1080/10402659.2012.677320 The article discusses the issues of child-sex tourism, human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome and social justice in India. Jaishankar, K., & Haldar, D. (2006). Prostitution in India: Issues and trends. ERCES Online Quarterly Review, 3(2) Retrieved from http://www.ubishops.ca:2048/docview/61624615?accountid=8636 This paper discusses about prostitution in India that is a serious social problem and its solution has been rendered difficult by the problem of poverty. Prostitution is widely rampant in India and its main markets are i n the big cities and involves children’s prostitution. Joffres, C., Mills, E., Joffres, M., Khanna, T., Walia, H., & Grund, D. (2008). Sexual slavery without borders: trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation in India. International Journal For Equity In Health, 71-11. doi:10.1186/1475-9276-7-22 This paper presents an overview of the trafficking of women and girls for sexual exploitation in India also identifies the health impacts and suggest strategies to respond to trafficking and related issues Ray, N. (2007). Wither Childhood? Child Trafficking in India. Social Development Issues, 29(3), 72-83. This article reviews the current research on domestic trafficking of children in India. Child trafficking in India is a highly visible reality. Children are being sold for sexual and labor exploitation, adoption, and organ harvesting. Sathyanarayana, T. N., & Babu, G. R. (2012).